Sample Letters For Anniversary

LKP THE STILL HAS A ROLE TO PLAY, TWO YEARS AFTER?

Ultimatum

The event 26 October 2010 at the invitation of the LKP denouncing the non-observance of agreements to end conflict, met at Pointe-à-Pitre from 22 000 participants according to organizers and 6500 according to the prefecture. Back at the Palace of Mutuality and after a brief consultation with organizations of Martinique and Guyana related to this day strike, Elie Domota launched an ultimatum to the chairmen of local authorities and the Prefect, if problems are not resolved to by 14 December, the LKP to call an indefinite general strike.

The general strike of 26 October was held simultaneously in Guadeloupe, Martinique and French Guiana (source: Internet)

Recognition paradoxical roles of elected

While d Some people yell at unacceptable blackmail, one can begin by noting Stretched policies and the prefect, to whom the request LKP take a clear position regarding the commitments made by them and the State in early 2009. This is not trivial to identify because it is often said that the LKP intend to substitute for local politicians. But the fact of turning back to them to recognize their power to resolve problems that take to heart in Guadeloupe and thus implies an implicit recognition of their function. Irulent the tone used by the spokesman of the LKP, supposed to reflect the unwavering determination of the movement, should not overshadow this aspect.

Back to the refusal to participate in elections

On the issue of the report to local officials and extension institutions democratic, many have considered an error that the LKP has not presented the regional elections of March 2010. It is even one of the reasons that prompted the KKE (Communist Party of Guadeloupe) to leave the management structure of the group, accusing its leaders of being unable to "provide valuable guidance to the LKP" [ 1] beyond 44 days. The latter would have proved its inability to transform a social movement into a political force, one option would be able to make a difference.

Analysis a bit faster also explained that if the LKP was not presented as such in regional elections, it was only because of the position of nationalists who would not feel concerned by the elections organized by the French state according to the positions they have held in the past. If this view is still shared by a number of separatists within the LKP, other elements just as decisive, if not more, are here to consider.

a risk of implosion

First, a simple common sense observation requires recognition that the LKP could not afford to establish a program common manifesto, given the diversity of sensitivities that compose it. That in itself is a feat that the 48 organizations Liyannaj have successfully completed the feat to define common goals, putting aside their differences, sometimes strong, and their long-term goals, to focus on those unanimously recognized as beneficial for the greatest number. Return this pact, as inevitably involve a program like electoral certainly lead to the implosion of the collective. Indeed, after 44 days did not always have been easy to manage because such oppositions between reformist and revolutionary organizations [2] within the Liyannaj Pwofitasyon Kont. This chart is usually neglected, eclipsed by the antagonism between separatist and non-independence which generally crystallize analysis.

Event October 26 (photo FG)

Rupture

The emergence of the LKP is no doubt a break with the traditional politics. representative democracy in which we operate based on a pyramid scheme: to caricature, the political professionals supported by their respective units, develop a program that they then propose to the people through an election campaign. The role of citizen in this system is limited generally choose the best (least worst?) option from above and then every three or four years to drop a ballot into a ballot box and then give carte blanche to the lucky winner, who will choose or not, its discretion, to implement the program on the basis of which he was elected. The LKP marks a dramatic break with this approach.

A revolution?

all due respect to those who wanted it either on this position and though at his critics have to say, the objective of the LKP is not the conquest of power (which does not prevent parties that revolve within it do not have to renounce their same). The LKP has revolutionized the way of democratic functioning in the game by introducing a new dimension Guadeloupe policy: civil society. Now consists of 47 organizations, Liyannaj Kont Pwofitasyon shape a broad and representative spectrum. His organizations have established, from the base of the pyramid, notebooks of grievances, to use a net pre-revolutionary, which took the form of the famous platform of 146 points. Today, those forces that arise as a key player between the citizens and elected officials by requiring them to implement practical solutions to the problems faced by the population. The LKP forces the power to rethink his behavior because now he no longer sufficient to obtain the blank check to conduct the polls then policies that would ignore or go against the interests of the population that the elected. The LKP is therefore a break with the practices of segregation policy, which the latter would be the pre-square near-exclusive caste of experts and public affairs professionals. Now, the base means having a say in the decision making process and the guidelines established in his name. This aspiration is perhaps not new but it's rare enough historically that civil society actually provides the means to do so by the stress.

The demonstration on 26 October (photo FG)

Reactions

As I have often the opportunity to say and write is the suspension of the power relations office in March 2009 and not the method used during the 44 days has resulted in significant declines than advances in the power of historical torn struggle. It will just make the LKP, October 26, demonstrating its ability to mobilize and increase the tone by threatening an indefinite strike in a word, he will have enough for the LKP revives the balance of power, for that almost immediately, local officials under a long amnesia, remember the claims made by the population during the 44 days away from issues of States-General, regional elections and the question for them oh so crucial in the number of vacancies within the single assembly. So, here is a large excerpt of the intervention of Victorin Lurel to the National Assembly, delivered November 3, 2011 as part of the budget review Overseas, less than a week after the ultimatum launched by Domota:

"(...) How ignore the tribute paid to the CMA / CGM and ocean carriers, taking a huge tithe to the general indifference and quite opaque? How to accept this unequal treatment in the name of liberal dogma and the omnipotence of the market?

How can we pretend to ignore the toll on our areas of telephony and roaming charges? We are seen as foreign, we are "itinerant French" and we pay a fortune to connect with ours. How then ignore predation imposed by some operators in this sector at a time when France Telecom has accepted the end of the distinction between local and national appeal?

How can we believe that the guardian of the republican state is unable to prevent abuses by banks, insurance companies, credit insurers and other starving that stifle production and prosper hubris consumption?

How to accept at the same time, the external position of these banks and financial institutions is positive and that the savings of our regions is invested primarily in Montreal, in silence, in the 'total anonymity, without flinching, but on the other hand, we take a scrupulous accounting of tax benefits and tax expenditures granted tolerated, with yearly shots of plane, incidentally, stigmatize our people and, after all, we despise? (...)

how when large groups of trade and import / distribution sovereignly decide the level of our purchasing power and that even after the great social raptus 44 days in 2009 in Guadeloupe and 38 days in Martinique, the State is unable to fight effectively against high prices and makes one feel this angry feeling that the system is not reformed and that essentializes himself, puts it in stone for eternity?

We obtained that the state can intervene to regulate prices and halt the scandal of profitation oil. Why do you continue to pay this so-called "shortfall" of oil through a check of 176 million to date?

How in these circumstances, to believe, given the inertia and the helplessness, the young generations that the policy controls the "commanding heights of the economy" and that is made to control the future and decide the fate? (...) [3] "

Urgency

This is a courageous and committed speech , although one can also think of Victorin Lurel. This shows precisely that it may be time to stop waiting for the right man to conquer power. The LKP demonstrates that beyond the person in power, condition of being united and determined, we can begin to change things and it requires work to radically change the nature of relations between rulers and ruled.

Event 26 November (photo FG)

It is essential to redefine these reports if the database will have a chance to be heard in high places, so that the word " democracy ", whose etymology, as we know, literally means " Power to the People "continues to be overused. This is certainly A central contribution of the LKP in the dawn of the twenty-first century emerging.

Frederick Gircour (chien.creole @ gmail.com)

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[1] Read about it "The PCG is its revolution "on Dog Creole ( http://chien-creole2.blogspot.com/2010/11/strategie-du-pcg.html )

[2] Contrary to the idea received on the issue, the difference which is based on the contrast between reformist and revolutionary is not a question of remedy or not the army way. The Reform believes that the system can be improved, while the revolutionary view that the nature of the system itself is inherently bad or has become, and should therefore be changed.

[3] http://lurel.parti-socialiste.fr/2010/11/03/examen-budget-de-loutre-mer-2011- intervention de-Victorin Lurel /